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台灣的近代化
The modernization of Taiwan

林呈蓉教授/April C. J. Lin, Professor,
(淡江大學歷史系)
(Department of History Tamkang University)

2001-03-12


Taiwanese sugar factory before
modernization, photo courtesy of SMC
Publishing Inc.

若要形容台灣在日本帝國統治下的時代
特質,那應該就是「近代化」了。日本
統治下的遺產即使在戰後的五○、六○
年代,對台灣經濟的助益亦是不可抹滅
的。無可諱言地,日本帝國在台灣所奠
定的近代化基礎,基本上完全是為了配
合其帝國內部資本主義發展的需求所設
計,但是如果台灣史上欠缺了這一段歷
史經驗,把今天的台灣社會與中國治下
的海南島相比,恐怕也無出其右了。本
週請到淡江大學歷史系林呈蓉教授執筆
,談談台灣在日本殖民政權統治下的近
代化歷史發展概況,談談後籐新平如何
奠定台灣工業發展的基礎。

If you want to describe Taiwan's distinguishing
characteristics under the Japanese occupation,
the word has to be "modernization." The legacy
of the Japanese occupation, even in the
post-war period of the 1950s and 1960s, was
indelible, and greatly helped Taiwan's economy
. There's no hiding the fact that the foundations
of modernization that the Japanese Empire laid
in Taiwan were fundamentally there to tie in
with Japan's domestic capitalist development
needs, but if Taiwan had not had this historic
experience, there would be no difference
between Taiwan society today and Hainan Island,
which is under Chinese rule. This week, we have
invited Professor April C. J. Lin from the
Department of History at Tamkang University to
write a piece on the modernization and
historical development of Taiwan under Japanese
colonial rule, and to talk about how Goto
Shimpei was able to establish the foundations
of Taiwan's industrial development.

每一時期皆有不同的時代特質

台灣短短的四百年歷史過程中,易幟五
次。近代政府組織的首次出現,始於17
世紀初的荷蘭統治時期,其後經歷了明
鄭統治時期、清王朝統治時期、日本帝
國統治時期、中華民國統治時期、直至
現在。由於政權不斷更迭,台灣四百年
歷史的每一個時期,都發展出不同的時
代特質。以日本帝國統治時期為例,如
果想以一個簡單的語詞來說明此一時代
的特質,那應該就是「近代化」。

Each period has its own particular characteristics

In the short 400 years of Taiwanese history, there
have been five changes of rule. The modern
government structure first appeared at the
beginning of the seventeenth century, in the
period of Dutch rule, then came the era of Koxinga
and his son, then the Qing Dynasty, Japanese
imperial rule, and the Republic of China, which
brings us up to the present day. Due to the constant
changes in power, each period in Taiwan's 400
years of history has developed its own unique
period characteristics. To take the example of the
Japanese imperial era, a simple word to explain
the characteristics of this period would have to be
"modernization."

Taiwanese sugar factory after
modernization, photo courtesy
of SMC Publishing Inc.

一度成為燙手山芋

1895年6 月,日本根據清日戰爭後雙方簽
訂的馬關條約內容,獲得了包括澎湖群島
在內的台灣新領地。然而,至少在1895年
6月至1898年3月期間,文明未開的台灣對
日本帝國而言,竟成為一塊燙手山芋。

Not something that Japan wanted to touch

In June 1865, Japan took the territory of
Taiwan, including the Pescadores, in accordance
with the Treaty of Shimonoseki after the
Sino-Japanese War. However, at least between
June 1895 and March 1898, the uncivilized lands
of Taiwan were not actually something that Japan
wanted to touch.

各種風土病肆虐

由於缺乏近代教育機制的洗禮,多數的
民眾仍是文盲,民智程度偏低;這裡的
風土民情與日本迥異;在過去清朝接近
兩百一十二年的統治期間,社會公權力
不張,導致民風強悍,管理不易;再加
上氣候溼熱,衛生環境不佳,風土病到
處肆虐。打開當時的報紙「台灣日日新
報」,在日本帝國統治初期的五年間,
各種風土病肆虐的紀事隨處可見。

All kinds of local sicknesses rampant

The majority of the population was still illiterate,
because there was no modern education system, and
the cultural level was fairly low. The local people
were very different from the Japanese in their
culture and situation; in almost 212 years of Qing
Dynasty rule, social and public authority had not
spread, with the result that folk customs still held
sway and government was not easy. On top of this,
the climate was hot and humid, sanitation was
primitive, and local diseases were rampant. Open a
newspaper from the first five years of Japanese rule,
the "Taiwan Daily News," and you will find records
of the virulent local diseases everywhere.

曾一度提出「台灣賣卻論」

對台灣的經營統治,在諸多不順遂的情
況下,日本帝國議會中曾有人提出「台
灣賣卻論」的想法,主張以當時的錢一
億日元將這塊新領地轉賣給對台灣情有
獨鍾的法國。不過,這個提案並沒有被
議會所接受。

"Taiwan Baikyaku Ron"

As for managing rule of Taiwan, since the
circumstances were not all that smooth, somebody
in the Japanese Imperial Diet came up with the
idea of "Taiwan Baikyaku Ron," which advocated
selling this territory to France, who had a
particular interest, for 100 million yen. However,
this proposal was not accepted by the Diet.

採「漸進同化」的作法

1898年3 月,兒玉源太郎接任第四任總
督之後,整個情況開始有了改變。因為
他啟用了一位有醫學背景的後籐新平來
擔任台灣的民政長官。後籐氏本著「生
物學的殖民地經營」原則,開始在台灣
奠定各項近代化建設的基礎。所謂「生
物學的殖民地經營」,依照後籐氏的說
法,他認為就像是把鯛魚的眼睛移植到
比目魚身上一樣,是一件何其不自然的
事!如果把日本帝國現行的各種制度直
接移植到尚未受過近代文明洗禮的台灣
社會,勢必會帶來許多無謂的誤解與衝
突。對台灣的經營,後籐氏主張「漸進
同化」的作法,也為長久以來在台灣統
治基本政策上「內地延長主義(同化政
策)」、「特殊統治主義(非同化政策
)」的爭議暫時劃上了休止符。

Choosing a process of "gradual assimilation"

In March 1898, after Kodama Gentaro took
office as the fourth governor of Taiwan,
everything began to change. Kodama appointed
Goto Shimpei, who had a background of medical
training, as the chief civil administrator of
Taiwan. Goto based his work on "Colonial
Management based on Biological Principles," and
began to establish the foundations of modern
construction in Taiwan. Goto's "Colonial
Management based on Biological Principles" were
based on his belief that [trying to rule Taiwan
along Japanese lines] was like transplanting
the eyes of a bream onto a flatfish, completely
unnatural! If all the systems and institutions
in use at that time in Japan were to be directly
transplanted to unmodernized and uncivilized
Taiwan, they would certainly bring unwarranted
misunderstandings and clashes. For governing
Taiwan, Goto advocated a process of "gradual
assimilation," and also temporarily terminated
the long-running debate between the two
approaches of basic policy, "interior expansionism
(assimilation policy)," and "special government
(non-assimilation policy)."

Goto Shimpei, the Taiwan
Governor's Chief Civil
Administrator, who took office
in March 1898.

後籐新平的新政

後籐新平從1898年3 月到1906年11月,
長達八年的民政長官任職期間,從衛生
環境的整備開始,推動各項調查事業;
統一幣制以促進金融與商業的流通;通
設與擴充各種交通運輸事業;開發水力
與火力發電廠,以奠定台灣發展工業的
動力基礎;並從品種改良開始,重振台
灣重要的米糖產業。

The appointment of Goto Shimpei

Goto Shimpei spent eight years as chief civil
administrator, from March 1898 to November
1906. Starting from hygiene and health, he
advanced all kinds of investigative work; he
created a unified monetary system by which
promoted financial and commercial exchange;
he carried out construction and expansion of
all kinds of communications and transportation
enterprises; he developed hydro- and
thermoelectric power plants in order to
establish the power resource foundations for
Taiwan's development of industry; and starting
with the improvement of rice and sugar strains,
he revitalized Taiwan's rice and sugar
industries.

台灣的近代化幾乎與日本同步

必須一提的是,台灣的近代化經驗幾乎
是在與日本同步進行的情況之下,發展
起來的。日本的近代化經驗始於1868年
「明治維新」時期,主要的兩大訴求則
在於「殖產興業」與「富國強兵」。然
而,直至1877年以前,帝國政府一直忙
於平息國內不滿勢力所醞釀出來的武力
蜂起,整個近代化事業真正開始落實則
是在這些武力衝突完全停止之後。其後
不久的1895年,日本隨即獲得台灣新領
地,由此可以推知日本帝國本身的近代
化步伐並沒有比台灣快多少。對於以西
方文化為主體的近代文明,在許多時候
日本的執政當局也仍在學習摸索中。因
此,有些時候台灣也成了日本在近代文
明發展過程中一個重要的實驗場。

Taiwan's modernization advanced almost in step
with that of Japan

Something which must be mentioned is that
Taiwan's experience of modernization went very
nearly hand in hand with that of Japan as it
developed. Japan's modernization experience
started in 1868 with the Meiji Restoration, and
the two major ideas were "colonization and
industry" and "rich country, strong army."
However, before 1877, the imperial government
was busy with quelling armed uprisings brewed
by dissatisfied forces within Japan, and the
real modernization only began to be implemented
genuinely after these armed clashes had been
stopped completely. Not long after, in 1895,
Japan took its new territory of Taiwan. We can
infer from this that Japan's own modernization
steps were not that much faster than those of
Taiwan. As for the modern-day civilization which
takes Western culture as its subject, on many
occasions, Japanese administrative authorities
were still studying and groping around for it.
Consequently, sometimes Taiwan also became an
important testing ground for Japan's process of
modernization and cultural development.

實施戶口與國勢調查

以調查事業為例,除了土地調查、林野
調查、台灣舊慣調查之外,日本帝國在
台灣也實施了戶口調查與國勢調查。對
於近代國家而言,為了有效掌握支配領
域的各種情報料,統計調查事業的推動
是非常重要的一項基礎工作。其中,國
勢調查又位居各種統計調查事業之根本
。然而,日本帝國本身最早施行國勢調
查是在1920年,而台灣則早在1905年便
已經完成了第一次的國勢調查作業。由
於當時日本的國家政治指導者對於國勢
調查事業欠缺正確的認知,導致帝國內
部的國勢調查事業起步較新領地台灣遲
了十年。主要的因素在於這些政治指導
者無法清楚分辨出戶口調查與國勢調查
的異同處,自然不願意為國勢調查事業
提撥預算。因此,1905年在台灣初次實
施國勢調查事業時,是以「第一次臨時
台灣戶口調查」的名目闖關;而1915年
則是以「第二次臨時台灣戶口調查」為
名,推動國勢調查作業。事實上,國勢
調查正確的譯法應該是「人口調查」,
從事調查事業的統計學者則以「國勢調
查」的名義強調,「POPULATION
CENSUS」所含括的範圍除了人口學之外
,還包括產業調查、經營調查等各個層
面,自然而然地給予外界有「國富」調
查的印象,再加上歐美列強也實施這種
的政策,是日本想成為「文明國」所應
必備的要件之一。在統計學者不斷透過
各種宣傳以及壓力團體的協助,終於在
1920年說服了國家政治指導者施行國勢
調查,台灣也得以與帝國內部同時以「
國勢調查」名義,名符其實地繼續推動
各種調查實務。

Implementing household registration and
population census

To take the investigative work as an example,
apart from land and forestry surveys, and
investigations into old customs in Taiwan, Japan
implemented a household registration system in
Taiwan, and carried out a population census. In
order to effectively grasp all sorts of
information and data about the territory which
they ruled, the promotion of statistics and
surveying work was extremely important groundwork
for modern nations. The population census was
also the base of all kinds of other statistical
and surveying work. However, Japan did not carry
out a population census of itself until 1920,
while Taiwan had finished the work for its first
population census in 1905. Because those leading
domestic politics in contemporary Japan lacked
accurate knowledge of the work involved in a
population census, the census in Japan took off
ten years after that of Japan's new territories.
The major factor was that these political leaders
were unable to differentiate household registration
from a population census, and naturally they were
unwilling to put a budget aside for a population
census. Consequently, when the first population
census was carried out in Taiwan in 1905, it was
under the name of "First Provisional Taiwan
Household Registration Survey." In 1915, population
census work was promoted under the name of "Second
Provisional Taiwan Household Registration Survey."
In fact, the population census was literally
entitled "survey of national strength," and the
statisticians engaged in the survey used this title
to emphasize that the scope of a population census
goes beyond mere population figures, includes
surveys of industry, management and other levels,
and as a matter of course gives the outside world
an impression of being a survey of "national
wealth." On top of this, the great powers of Europe
and America were carrying out this kind of policy
too, and this was one of the important conditions
of Japan becoming a "civilized nation." With the
incessant propaganda of the statisticians and the
help of pressure groups, in 1920 the political
leaders of Japan were finally persuaded to carry
out a population census, and Taiwan too, was able
to continue, with Japan, to promote all kinds of
survey work under the name of "survey of national
strength."

上下水道工程建設

又以整備衛生環境的上下水道工程為例
,從1895年底委託英國技師巴爾頓來台
從事衛生工程建設計畫,至1898年時台
北上水道工程事業已經竣工;在1905年
時台灣已經有兩座自來水廠;到了1934
年時自來水廠則已經增加至83座。事實
上,台灣的上下水道工程建設,甚至領
先日本帝國內部的部分城市。

Sewerage system construction

To take another example, this time of public
sanitation and the engineering work of the
sewerage system, at the end of 1895, the British
engineer W. K. Burton was commissioned with
carrying out a program of public sanitation
engineering. By 1898, construction of the Taipei
sewerage system had been completed. In 1905,
Taiwan already had two public waterworks, and
by 1934, this number had increased to 83. In
fact, the construction of Taiwan's sewerage
system predated that of many Japanese cities.

對台灣的經濟助益亦是不可抹滅

帝國政府在台灣領有初期,以每年七百
萬日元的補助金支付給台灣總督府,原
本預估十三年後台灣的財政應該可以獨
立。然而,伴隨產業振興的順遂與公賣
、地租收入的增加,在1905年台灣的財
政已經可以獨立,甚至從兩年後的1907
年開始,還可以回饋帝國政府。1935年
10月台灣總督府曾舉辦過一次「台灣始
政四十週年紀念的大博覽會」,至目前
為止這個可謂「空前絕後」的博覽會,
也是日本帝國在台灣近代化歷程上的一
個成果報告。當時受到了包括中華民國
國民黨政權在內之海內外各界的矚目,
評價極高。事實上,日本統治下「殖民
地近代化」的遺產即使在戰後的五○、
六○年代,對台灣經濟的助益亦是不可
抹滅的。

An undeniable help to Taiwan's economy

At the beginning of its occupation of Taiwan,
the imperial government provided the governor
general with subsidies of 7 million yen a
year, and originally calculated that after 30
years, Taiwan's public finances would be able
to be independent. However, in the wake of
the smoothness of vigorous industrial
development and increase in income from
government monopolies and land tax, Taiwan's
public finances became independent in 1905,
and from 1907, a surplus could be returned to
the imperial government. In October 1935, the
governor general of Taiwan held an "Exposition
to Commemorate the 40th Anniversary of the
Beginning of Administration in Taiwan," an
exposition which has remained unique and
unrivaled to this day, and which served as a
report on the achievements of Taiwan's
modernization process under Japanese rule. It
attracted attention from all over the world,
including the Republic of China's KMT regime,
and was highly admired. In fact, the legacy
"colonial modernization" under Japanese rule
was an undeniable help to the economy of
Taiwan until well into the 1950s and 1960s.

無可諱言地,日本帝國在台灣所奠定的
近代化基礎,基本上完全是為了配合其
帝國內部資本主義發展的需求所設計的
,但是,如果台灣史上欠缺了這一段歷
史經驗,把今天的台灣社會與中國治下
的海南島相比,恐怕也無出其右了。

At the beginning of its occupation of Taiwan,
There's no hiding the fact that the
foundations of modernization established
during the Japanese imperial occupation of
Taiwan were basically meant to tie in with
capitalist development in Japan itself, but
if Taiwan had not had this experience in its
history, there would be precious little
difference today between Taiwan society and
Hainan Island, under Chinese rule.

Edited by Hsu, Shiou-Iuan/ translated by Elizabeth Hoile
(許琇媛編輯/何麗薩翻譯)
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