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保釣運動的回顧與反思
Reflections on the Diaoyutai Movement

2001-04-23

1975 Bird's eye view of the Diaoyutai

一九六九年,一份由聯合國亞洲及遠東經
濟委員會所作的報告指出:釣魚臺群島附
近可能有巨量的石油蘊藏。不料這份報告
卻引起台灣、中國、日本之間長達三十餘
年的政治爭端。有關石油鑽探等經濟議題
全然被擱置、甚且遺忘。而釣魚台主權之
爭,乃至於台灣國際地位的適法性卻不斷
地被端上檯面檢視與爭議,有些人甚至主
張聯合中華人民共和國或所謂海外華人爭
取釣魚臺主權,國家認同混淆不清的現象
三十年來並無太多進步。本週特別邀請政
大歷史系教授薛化元執筆,為我們剖析這
個歷史事件的發生、後續及其影響。

In 1969, a report by the UN Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East (ECAFE)
indicated the possibility of large reserves
of oil in the vicinity of the Diaoyutai
Archipelago. To everybody's surprise, this
report set of a political dispute between
Taiwan, China and Japan which has been going
on now for over thirty years. The topic of
oil exploration has been completely ignored,
even forgotten. But the fight for sovereignty
of the Diaoyutai, even to the extent of
debating Taiwan's international position and
legitimacy, has been continuously examined
and contended, with some people even
advocating a United People's Republic of
China, or so-called Overseas Chinese,
fighting together for the sovereignty of
the Diaoyutai, and the phenomenon of a
confused national identity has not advanced
much in the past thirty-odd years. This week,
we have invited Professor Hsueh Hua-yuen of
the history department of National Chengchi
University to write an analysis of this
historical even, the follow-up, and its
influence.

事件的發生及其遺緒

一九七一年四月九日美國國務院發表聲明
,表示尼克森總統和日本首相佐籐榮作達
成協議,美國將琉球以及包括釣魚臺列島
在內的「南西群島」,於一九七二年交還
給日本,此舉造成了臺灣社會(以大學生
為主)強烈的反應,以及旅美僑界與留學
生的抗議,而展開了海內外的保釣運動。
影響所及,不但海外知識界出現了國家認
同的轉向,國內至今也仍時有要求力爭釣
魚臺主權的呼聲。如今三十年已過,回顧
這段歷史,可以發現執政者的態度,以及
國內教育內容導致的國家認同混淆,是保
釣運動中對於臺灣(國家主權)發展方向
的不利因素擴大的原因。

The incident and its legacy

On April 9, 1971, the U.S. State Department
issued a statement that President Nixon and
Japanese Prime Minister Sato Eisaku had
reached an agreement, by which the U.S. would
return Okinawa and the "South-western islands"
which included the Diaoyutai [Senkaku in
Japanese], to Japan, in 1972. This action
provoked an intense reaction from Taiwan
society (particularly among university
students), and demonstrations from the
Taiwanese community and overseas Taiwanese
students in the U.S., and launched the
Diaoyutai Movement both at home and abroad.
The influence of this movement saw the
appearance not only of a change of direction
in national allegiance in intellectual circles
outside Taiwan; even within Taiwan, there are
still frequent calls to fight for sovereignty
of the Diaoyutai. Today, looking back at this
period in history thirty years ago, we can
see that the attitude of those in power,
and the contents of education in Taiwan at
that time, led to confusion over national
identity, and the cause of the growth of
detrimental factors in the Diaoyutai Movement
to the direction of the development of
Taiwan's national sovereignty.

海內外抗議聲四起

實際上,針對釣魚臺的問題,早在一九七
○年九月當時的行政院長嚴家淦即公開表
示中華民國政府決心維護釣魚臺群島應有
的權益,而臺灣省議會也通過動議,要求
政府維護釣魚臺群島的主權。美日達成協
議後,臺灣除了外交部發言人發表聲明,
表示堅決反對之外,四月十四日政治大學
學生在校內遊行,召開座談會,而臺灣大
學為主的學生亦赴日本大使館呈遞抗議書
,正式揭開了保釣運動的序幕。而在六月
十七日美國和日本正式簽訂移交包括釣魚
臺群島在內的琉球群島等美軍佔領地的正
式文書前十二小時,臺北再次爆發以臺大
學生為主的數千名抗議遊行,並分別向美
國及日本大使館遞交抗議文書。

Voices of protest rise up in Taiwan and abroad

In fact, as early as September 1970, the
then-premier, C.K. Yen, publicly expressed
that, regarding the Diaoyutai issue, the
R.O.C. was determined to preserve the
interests it ought to have in the Diaoyutai
Archipelago, and the Taiwan Provincial
Assembly also passed a motion demanding that
the government preserve the sovereignty of
the Diaoyutai. After the U.S.-Japanese
agreement, Taiwan not only made a statement
through a spokesman of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, expressing Taiwan's
determination to oppose this, and on April
14, students from National Chengchi
University held a demonstration on campus,
and a symposium, and students headed by a
group from National Taiwan University (NTU)
delivered a letter of protest to the
Japanese embassy, and formally opened the
prologue to the Diaoyutai Movement. On June
17, 12 hours before the U.S. and Japan
formally signed the official documents
transferring the U.S. Armed Forces-occupied
territory of the Ryukyu Islands, including
the Diaoyutai chain, another protest
demonstration broke out in Taipei, led by
students from NTU, and protest letters were
handed over to the U.S. and Japanese
embassies respectively.

政府態度模糊,國家認同轉向中國大陸

不過,這只是當時國內外保釣運動的一環
而已,以美國地區為主的留學生也由於對
美國將釣魚臺群島交給日本的不滿,進行
大規模的串連及抗議活動,蔚成海內外保
釣運動的高潮。但是,中華民國政府的決
心、作為及其成果,並無法說服大量的海
內外知識份子,特別是在美國本土發表一
系列保釣運動的留學生及旅美華人,面對
政府無力扭轉大局,而中華人民共和國以
民族主義相號召的狀況下,政治立場發生
轉變,有的甚至回歸中國大陸,使得當時
原本在國際舞臺上遭到一連串打壓挫折的
中華民國,承受了更大的壓力。事後回顧
此一歷史,我們可以清楚發現,保釣運動
不僅反應當時國人對美國與日本處理釣魚
臺事件的強烈不滿,也由於當時中華民國
政府沒有力量扭轉此一國際的現實,加上
中華人民共和國當時高唱民族主義,使得
來自臺灣的海外留學生在政治立場上也有
相當部份發生改變。

Government attitude unclear, national
identity shifts towards mainland China

However, this was just the first episode in
the Diaoyutai Movement inside and outside
Taiwan, which was largely led by Taiwanese
students studying in the U.S., who, because
of their dissatisfaction with the U.S.
handing the Diaoyutai chain, carried out
large-scale link-ups and protest activities,
and grew into the crescendo of the Diaoyutai
Movement. But the resolve, actions and
achievements of the R.O.C. government were
not able to persuade a large number of
intellectuals both here and abroad,
particularly those students and residents
in the U.S. who came up with their own
series of Diaoyutai Movement activities,
in face of the government's inability to
reverse the situation. With the PRC using
nationalism as an appeal, the political
position changed, and some people even went
so far as to return to mainland China,
putting the R.O.C., which had already
encountered a string of frustrating setbacks
on the international stage, under even more
pressure. Looking back at this period, we
see that the Diaoyutai Movement was not
simply a reaction of fierce dissatisfaction
by people in Taiwan to the way in which the
U.S. and Japan were dealing with the
Diaoyutai incident. It was also because
the R.O.C. government of the time didn't
have the strength to reverse this
international reality, and on top of this,
the PRC was making loud nationalistic
noises, which led to overseas students from
Taiwan making significant changes in their
political position.


我們可以發現許多基本的問題,首先,保
釣運動發生後政治轉向的問題是因為當時
國人對國家認同相當模糊(實際上至今依
然如此),因此雖然以民族主義相號召,
可是此種民族主義的國家認同卻混淆不清
,導致在保釣以後掀起的民族主義風潮,
演變成以海外中華人民共和國為代表的國
家認同的新方向(當然也包括國內的部份
人士)。而三十年後,仍然時有國人持續
參與或發動保護釣魚臺主權的行動,但也
正與三十年前國家認同混淆不清的現象相
似,甚至寧願採取與中華人民共和國合作
,作為保護釣魚臺的象徵,如此是否真正
維護了國家主權的利益,自然大有商榷的
餘地。換言之,保釣運動在當時對於中華
民國政府已經造成相當程度的傷害,不過
,經歷三十年,就此部份而言,目前的政
府也沒有提出有力的應對方式。

We can identify many basic problems. First,
after the Diaoyutai movement took shape,
politics shifted direction because at that
time, national identity in Taiwan was very
unclear (and is, in fact, to this day), and
so although people were appealing to
nationalism, the national identity of this
particular brand of nationalism was very
confused. This meant that the wave of
nationalism which rose up in the wake of
the Diaoyutai Movement evolved into a new
direction of national identity with the
PRC (of course this also included a number
of people within Taiwan). Thirty years
later, there are still people in Taiwan
who continue to participate in or start up
actions to protect the sovereignty of the
Diaoyutai, but with the same phenomenon of
mixed up national identity as thirty years
ago, to the extent that they prefer to
cooperate with the PRC as an symbol of
their wish to defend the Diaoyutai.
Naturally, there is plenty of latitude for
discussion over whether or not they are
really safeguarding the interests of
national sovereignty in this way. In other
words, the Diaoyutai Movement had already
caused a certain degree of harm to the
R.O.C. government, but thirty years on,
the current government has yet to come up
with a forceful way to deal with this.

錯失爭取釣魚台主權的關鍵期

就形成釣魚臺主權的歷史原因而言,二次
大戰以後日本領土的接收是最關鍵的因素
。原本釣魚臺群島在日治時期隸屬於臺北
州,只是在二次大戰結束以後,美軍佔領
了琉球群島與釣魚臺列島,而接收臺灣的
國民政府卻沒有立即對美方提出主權的要
求,直到釣魚臺群島附近發現可能有巨量
的石油蘊藏,其重要性才日漸凸顯,而隨
著美國與日本針對琉球群島歸還問題舉行
談判,釣魚臺主權的爭議也才正式浮上檯
面。在這個過程中充分展現了中華民國政
府對釣魚臺主權相對冷漠的態度,直到一
九七○年代前後,才正式面對釣魚臺主權
的爭議。縱使如此,進一步分析可以發現
,不僅過去政府對釣魚臺,直到今日政府
在回應釣魚臺相關主權爭議時,仍然沒有
做好適當的準備工作,特別是在處理中華
人民共和國主權宣示方面,如此,不僅可
能持續國內原有的國家認同問題,而且在
其影響下,亦可能造成政府對此問題的錯
誤回應。

Missing the crucial period in which to fight
for the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai

As for the formation of the historical factors
behind the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai, the
most important one was the acceptance of
Japanese territories after the Second World
War. Originally, during the Japanese
occupation of Taiwan, the Diaoyutai
Archipelago came under the jurisdiction of
Taipei Prefecture. After the close of the
Second World War, when U.S. troops were
stationed on the Ryukyu and Diaoyutai
Archipelagoes, the KMT government which had
received Taiwan did not immediately demand
that that the U.S. give them sovereignty,
until it was discovered that there might be
huge reserves of oil in the region of the
Diaoyutai Archipelago. Its importance only
then became apparent, and it was only when
the U.S. and Japan then held talks to discuss
the issue of handing the Ryukyu Archipelago
back that the dispute over sovereignty
formally surfaced. During this process,
the R.O.C. government's detached attitude
towards sovereignty of the Diaoyutai came to
the fore, and it wasn't until the 1970s that
there was officially controversy over the
sovereignty of the Diaoyutai. Even so, if we
go a step further and make an analysis, we
find that it is not just the government's
past attitude towards the Diaoyutai; even
the present government has yet to make
appropriate preparations in answering the
dispute over the Diaoyutai and their
sovereignty, particularly in dealing with
the sovereignty pronouncements of the PRC.
So, there is not only the possibility that
the original problem of national identity
with Taiwan will continue: under its
influence, it's quite possible this will
cause the government to make the wrong
reactions to this problem.
Diaoyutai movement spreads fervently
among students.

台灣與釣魚台群島的地緣與歷史關係

就釣魚臺群島的主權爭議而言,主要是攸
關釣魚臺是附屬於臺灣或是附屬於琉球群
島的問題。就大陸礁層角度來看,釣魚臺
群島與臺灣是屬於連結的狀態,而與琉球
群島之間則有相當深浚的海溝加以阻絕,
就此而言,或許不足以充分證明釣魚臺主
權屬於臺灣,然而搭配歷史的證據,以及
日治時代的行政區劃,正可以證明,縱使
在日本統治期間,日本政府也認為釣魚臺
群島在行政區劃上亦屬於臺灣,這些都是
政府在捍衛主權時相當強而有力的證據。
相對地,中華人民共和國對此並無主張的
權利,除非承認臺灣是中華人民共和國的
一部份,否則便沒有主張與其合作,向日
本爭取釣魚臺主權的可能。這是政府與國
人在面對釣魚臺群島主權爭議時,必須特
別留意的。

Geographical and historical connections between
As for the dispute over sovereignty of the
Diaoyutai Archipelago, the main issue is
whether the Diaoyutai are attached to Taiwan
or to the Ryukyu Archipelago. Looking at it
from the perspective of the continental
shelf, the Diaoyutai Archipelago and Taiwan
are connected, but the Ryukyu and Diaoyutai
Archipelagoes are separated from one another
by a very deep oceanic trench. This perhaps is
not sufficient evidence that the Diaoyutai
should belong to Taiwan, but if we arrange the
historical evidence, and the administrative
divisions of the Japanese occupation, then we
can prove that even during the period of
Japanese rule, the Japanese government also
believed that the Diaoyutai Archipelago
belonged, by administrative district, to
Taiwan. These are powerful pieces of evidence
that the government can use to defend Taiwan's
sovereignty of the Diaoyutai. Conversely, the
PRC has no rights or interests that it can
argue for when it comes to this, unless they
acknowledge that Taiwan is part of the PRC,
otherwise the PRC has no standpoint from which
it could work together with Taiwan and fight
for the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai from
Japan. This is something that the government
and the people of Taiwan must watch out for
when faced with the Diaoyutai dispute.

捍衛國家主權還是使國家失去主權?

當然,釣魚臺主權的爭議囿於國際的現實
,又不能採用武力方式解決,勢必需要冗
長的國際舞臺抗爭才能得到較合理的解決
,但是,此一問題如果變成日本與中華人
民共和國的問題,則根本上並不符合我國
的國家利益,也不合歷史的事實。就地理
關係,就歷史關係而言,釣魚臺群島究竟
應附屬於琉球群島或是臺灣才是問題的關
鍵。相對的,凡是主張中國擁有釣魚臺群
島主權的訴求,或是聯合中華人民共和國
或所謂海外華人爭取釣魚臺主權,其前提
便是以臺灣為中華人民共和國一部份,中
華人民共和國有權代表臺灣對外爭取主權
的印象。如此,究竟是捍衛國家主權還是
使國家失去主權?這是攸關臺灣定位及利
益的重大問題。回首三十年來釣魚臺的爭
議,無論是政府或是人民務必要釐清釣魚
臺主權歸屬的本質,否則輕率的選擇可能
影響了國家長遠的發展,值得重視。

Defending national sovereignty or causing the
nation to lose its sovereignty?

Obviously, the dispute over sovereignty of the
Diaoyutai is limited to international
realities, and it cannot be solved by
resorting to arms, and it will require long,
drawn-out stands being made on the
international stage before a relatively
reasonable solution can be reached. However,
if this issue becomes an issue between Japan
and the PRC, then it will fundamentally not
fit in with Taiwan's national interests, nor
the facts of history. As far as the
geographical and historical connections are
concerned, the Diaoyutai Archipelago, the key
question is, in the final analysis, whether
the Diaoyutai should be attached to the Ryukyu
Archipelago or Taiwan. And conversely,
whatever demands China makes arguing that it
owns the Diaoyutai, or if the United People's
Republic of China or the so-called overseas
Chinese fight for sovereignty of the
Diaoyutai, their prerequisite is that Taiwan
is a part of the PRC, and the PRC has the
right to represent Taiwan's foreign
sovereignty struggles. In this way, in the
end, is it defending national sovereignty or
making the nation lose sovereignty? This is
a weighty question for Taiwan's position and
its rights and interests. Looking back over
this thirty-year long dispute over the
Diaoyutai, it is imperative that the
government and the people of Taiwan clear up
the essence of whose authority the Diaoyutai
should come under, otherwise a rash choice
could influence the country's long-term
development: this is worth taking seriously.

Edited by Tina Lee/ translated by Elizabeth Hoile
(李美儀編輯/何麗薩翻譯)
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