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尋求李萬居思想的重新定位:紀念李萬居先生一百週年冥誕
Seeking to reevaluate the thought of Lee Wan-chu:
The hundredth anniversary birth


陳儀深/Chen Yi-Shen
(中研院近史所副研究員)
(Associate Research Fellow, Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica)

2001-08-13


Lee Wan-chu

二○○一年適逢民主前輩李萬居百歲冥誕,
這位出身貧寒的書生政治家在世時雖縱橫政
壇,身後相關的思想與生平之研究卻頗為稀
少;「魯莽書生」、「半山的異端」是其代
表性標籤,然不足以道盡他風起雲湧的一生
:他「擺著國民黨給的官位不做,選擇在野
從政」;「忍辱負重在陳儀底下擔任二二八
『處理委員會』常務委員,只希望能為民眾
多爭取一些折衝協調的空間」。李萬居辦報
、籌組新政黨、投身地方政治,一生信奉與
追隨自由民主思想,雖然最後落得兩袖清風
,卻留與後人豐富的民主遺產。本週「台灣
歷史之窗」特別邀請中研院近史所副研究員
陳儀深執筆,談談這位台灣民主前輩的生平
事蹟與思想。


2001 happens to be the one hundredth anniversary of the
birth of Lee Wan-chu, an early proponent of democracy. This
bookish politician, born into a poor family, moved with
great ease in political circles, but research into his
ideas and life since his death has been fairly meager. "A
reckless man of letters", "the half-mainlander heretic" were
the labels used to describe him, but this is not enough to
fully describe a busy life in an interesting era: he
"refused the official position offered him by the KMT,
and chose to pursue politics from the outside"; "he
suffered the insults of the 228 'cleanup committee' members
under Chen Yi, hoping only to be able win some negotiating
space for the ordinary people." Lee Wan-chu ran a newspaper,
organized a new political party, threw himself into local
politics, and had a lifelong belief in and pursuit of free
and democratic thought. Although he ended up penniless, he
left his descendents a rich legacy of democracy. This
week's Window on Taiwan is written by Chen Yi-Shen associate
research fellow at Academia Sinica's Institute of Modern
History, and he talks about the life and ideas of this
early proponent of democracy in Taiwan.


李萬居(1901-1966)是台灣雲林人,生長於
日治時代窮苦的鄉下家庭,曾去中國上海、
法國巴黎接受高等教育,然後在戰後二十年
的台灣政壇叱吒風雲。李萬居逝世三十五年
以來,研究其生平思想的文字可謂稀少,代
表性的標籤是所謂「魯莽書生」或「半山的
異端」,但個人認為皆不足以表現李萬居生
平思想的重要特色。


Lee Wan-chu (1901-1966) was born in Yunlin, Taiwan. He
grew up during the era of Japanese occupation, in a
poor, rural family. He received his higher education
in Shanghai and Paris, and then, for twenty years
after the Second World War, he was all-powerful in
Taiwanese politics. In the 35 years since Lee Wan-chu's
death, little research has been done or written about
his lifelong thought, and he has been labeled a
"reckless man of letters" and "a half-mainlander
heretic," yet I think that these cannot fully represent
the important characteristics of his lifelong thinking.

魯莽書生不魯莽:與國民黨政權做長久周旋
的政治家

所謂「魯莽書生」是鍾楊瑞先(李萬居的內
弟鍾國元之妻)於1979年在《中外雜誌》連
載將近一年的文章標題,鍾楊女士的解釋是
:李萬居擔任省議員時仍具有讀書人的氣質
,發言大膽、有些魯莽,有時甚至不顧一切
,所以「當時記者先生們」給他取了這個綽
號。然而李萬居畢竟是不折不扣的政治人物
,從1946年當選省參議會議員、制憲國大代
表、臨時省議會議員、並連任三屆省議員,
直到去世為止,其間還主辦《公論報》批評
時政,參與組黨運動,在艱難的環境下與國
民黨政權作長久的周旋,都不是書生、更不
是魯莽之徒所能達成的。



The "reckless man of words" was not reckless: a politician
who socialized with the KMT regime for many years

"The Reckless Man of Words" was the title of an essay
published in installments over almost a year in 1979 in
"Chung Wai Magazine" by Chung Yang Jui-hsien, wife of
Lee's wife's younger brother, Chung Kuo-yuan. Ms Chung
Yang's interpretation was: when Lee Wan-chu was serving
as a member of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly, he still
possessed the temperament of an intellectual, he expressed
himself boldly, was rather reckless, and regardless of all
consequences, so "the newspaper gentlemen of the time"
gave him this nickname. In the final analysis, however,
Lee Wan-chu was a political figure one hundred percent,
starting in 1946 when he was voted member of the Taiwan
Provincial Assembly, through his positions as a National
Assembly Representative involved in writing the
Constitution, Provisional Provincial Assembly Member,
and his three terms as a member of the Provincial
Assembly, right up until his death. During this time, he
also ran the Kung Lun Pau, a newspaper which criticized
political affairs, he took part in the movement to form
a new party, and in a very difficult environment, he
socialized with the KMT regime over a long period of
time, all of which are not things that a man of letters
or a reckless person could have achieved.


Lee Wan-chu at work

堅持自由民主的「半山」


其次,「半山的異端」是由卜幼夫、楊錦麟
等撰述人所強調的特點。所謂半山是指半個
唐山人,由於日治時代有一批台灣人居留中
國並且在國民政府體制內任職,戰後隨國民
黨政權回台,從而在政治上成為有一定影響
力的「特殊族群」,例如游彌堅、劉啟光、
黃朝琴、李萬居、王民寧、連震東、丘念台
等。二二八事件後,本省、外省的族群裂痕
加深,對許多本省人而言,「半山」實在是
貶抑的名詞;半山政治人物並不全是國民黨
人,李萬居即具有青年黨的背景,並不那麼
受國民黨當局信任,加上他是非分明、堅持
自由民主的個性,自然走上反抗者的道路,
所以稱他為半山的異端還算適當。不過半山
本來就不全是「壞人」,例如他們在二二八
事件處理委員會中扮演的角色,大致都站在
被壓迫的本省人的立場進行交涉,所以所謂
「半山的異端」也不足以適當凸顯李萬居思
想的特色。

The "half-mainlander" who insisted on freedom and
democracy

Next, the "half-mainlander heretic" was the distinguishing
feature emphasized by writers such as Pu You-fu and Yang
Chin-lin. The so-called "half-mainlander" label comes
from the fact that during the period of Japanese rule,
some Taiwanese people took up residence in China, and
held positions in the Nationalist government. After the
war, they followed the KMT regime to Taiwan, and became
a politically-influential "special ethnic group,"
including people such as You Mi-chian, Liu Chi-kuang,
Huan Chao-chin, Lee Wan-chu, Wang Min-ning, Lien
Chen-tung [father of Lien Chan] and Chiu Nien-tai.
After the 228 Incident, the ethnic split between
mainlanders and native Taiwanese become deepened,
and for many native Taiwanese, so the name "half-mainlander"
was pretty pejorative; half-mainlander political figures
were not all KMT men, and even though Lee Wan-chu had a
party background in his youth, he wasn't really trusted
by the KMT authorities, and on top of this, his
personality was one which unequivocally supported
freedom and democracy, and as a matter of course chose
to go against the tide, and so to call him a
"half-mainlander heretic" was quite appropriate. However,
not all "half-mainlanders" were bad, for example, nearly
all of the "half-mainlanders" who participated in the
228 "cleanup committee" took the side of the oppressed
native Taiwanese, and so the label of "half-mainlander
heretic" doesn't completely describe the distinguishing
characteristics of Lee Wan-chu's thought.

做政府與人民間的橋樑:投身地方政治與辦



在台灣戰後二十年內,李萬居是政壇上反對
運動的指標人物,為黨國體制下的「黨外」
政治人物擦亮金字招牌。他之所以能連選連
任省議員,動輒四、五萬票以上,除了必須
走遍雲林大小鄉鎮,為鄉親爭取堤防、排水
溝等建設,更因他在省議會的持續發言擲地
有聲,涉及的層次包括自由人權、中央民代
改選、政黨政治乃至反攻大陸的可能性等議
題,儼然是國會議員的氣勢。當然,與省議
員身份相互為用的是《公論報》社長,透過
這份報紙抒展他的「理想和興趣」,表現出
不為威屈、不為利誘的民間報業風範。雖然
有人批評他不諳業務經營之道,然而《公論
報》的歷史地位在於它的言論風格,而不是
報份多寡,何況當局透過阻止刊登廣告、綁
架或逮捕報社同仁的方式打壓《公論報》也
都是事實。總之《公論報》已成為李萬居政
治生命的一部分,當局亦深知此理,所以在
1960年前後李萬居參加領導新黨運動之際,
藉著購買增資股權以及司法手段,逼迫李萬
居交出經營權。李萬居的長子李南輝回憶那
一段經過,說到當時國民黨曾擬以五十萬美
金買下《公論報》,並願給李萬居「董事長
」的頭銜,報社同仁覺得大勢已去,就慫恿
李南輝去勸乃父接受,結果卻「被父親罵了
一頓,父親說他回來台灣有一個心願,希望
做政府和人民的橋樑,替老百姓講話,為了
這個理想,報社寧願關掉,也不拿別人的錢
。」

Acting as a bridge between government and people:
throwing himself into local politics and running a
newspaper

In Taiwan during the twenty years that followed the
war, Lee Wan-chu was a figure for the political
opposition movement, and he held up a shining light
for the "tang-wai" political figures under the KMT-state
system. He was able to get 40,000 or 50,000 votes each
time he was re-elected as a member of the Taiwan
Provincial Assembly, and apart from having to travel
all over the towns and villages of Yunlin to build
embankments and irrigation schemes for his fellow
countrymen, his sustained speeches in the Provincial
Assembly touching on every level, including freedom
and human rights, the re-election of central
government-level people's representatives, party
politics and even the possibility of launching a
counterattack on mainland China, had the solemn air
of a parliamentarian. Of course, at the same time as
he was member of the Provincial Assembly, he was also
the president of the Kung Lun Pao, and through this
newspaper he was able to release and develop his
"ideals and interests," and setting a model for a
non-government-run paper that did not submit to
authoritarian might, and was not run for profit or
gain. Although there were those who criticized him
for not knowing anything about running a business,
the Kung Lun Pao's historical position is determined
by its style of political expression, and not by the
number of copies, to say nothing of the ban by the
authorities on the paper carrying advertising, and
the use of kidnap and arrest of workers at the paper
to put pressure on the Kung Lun Pao. In conclusion,
the Kung Lun Pao became a part of Lee Wan-chu's
political life, and the authorities increasingly
came to realize this. Therefore, before 1960, when
Lee Wan-chu was engaged in leading activities for a
new party, the authorities bought the stock rights
and used various judicial measures to force him to
hand over the running of the paper to them. Lee's
eldest son, Lee Nan-hui, remembering this course of
events, said that the KMT planned to buy the Kung
Lun Pao with US$500,000, and were even willing to
give Lee Wan-chu the title of "chairman of the
board." The colleagues at the newspaper felt that
the game was as good as lost, and encouraged Lee
Nan-hui to persuade his father to accept it. Lee
Nan-hui was "told off by [his] father, and [his]
father said that he had come back to Taiwan with a
dream, he hoped to act as a bridge between the
government and the people, to speak for the ordinary
people, and for this ideal he would rather close the
paper down than accept someone else's money."

Lee Wan-chu with his family

李萬居實踐自由民主的方法,是辦報、議政
、組黨,其中最有力量的後盾,應是雲林鄉
親長久的支持,使他連選連任(當時民選的
最高級民代)省議員;當1960年當局為遏阻
新黨運動泡製雷震叛亂案的時候,不敢直接
逮捕李萬居,很可能就是忌憚他背後的民意
基礎。


Lee Wan-chu put his free and democratic methods into
practice, he ran a newspaper, engaged in politics, formed
a party, and in all of this, his most powerful backing was
his long-term support from his fellow countrymen in Yunlin,
who repeatedly elected him to office as a member of the
Provincial Assembly (at the time, the highest level of
elected people's representative). In 1960, in order to
hold in check the activities of new parties reacting to
the Lei Chen insurrection case, the authorities did not
dare directly arrest Lee Wan-chu, very probably fearing
the foundation of popular support which he had.

民主英雄的民族主義立場之剖析

作為民主運動的先驅,乃至「民主英雄」,
李萬居是當之無愧。至於他的民族認同,或
民族主義思想立場如何,則是一個亟待釐清
的問題。李萬居年輕時對日本統治有所不滿
,留學法國之後到南京任職,中日戰爭期間
一直在「國際問題研究所」工作,為國民政
府蒐集研判日本的情報資料,戰後則成為長
官公署前進指揮所赴台接收工作的人員之一
,其間從他的詩文,很容易感受到他對家國
的情思,說他認同中華民族殆無可疑。但是
當二二八事件發生,自己差一點被糊里糊塗
逮捕,諸多友人成了槍下亡魂,他不能沒有
心靈震撼!所以1947年10月就有《公論報》
的創刊,應不止是時間的巧合。此後與國民
黨的長期對抗,除了基於民主自由的價值,
背後不免有另類的「種族之感」吧。



Analyzing the nationalist position of a democratic hero

As a pioneer of the democratic movement, and even a
"democratic hero," Lee Wan-chu fully deserves this title.
There is an urgent need to clear up the question of his
national identity, and ideas and position on nationalism.
As a young man, Lee Wan-chu was dissatisfied with Japanese
rule, and after studying in France, he took up a job in
Nanjing, and worked at the "China Institute of International
Studies" throughout the Sino-Japanese war, gathering
intelligence information on Japan for the Nationalist
government. After the war he became one of the staff
members sent to Taiwan to take up office, and during
this period, it is easy to get a feeling of his
sentiments for his home and country from his poetry
and writings, and it's almost impossible to doubt his
identification with the Chinese people. But when the
228 Incident occurred, he himself narrowly escaped
arrest, and a great many of his friends were shot, so
how could he avoid being shaken to his very core? So,
in October 1947, the Kung Lun Pao began publication,
a date which is not coincidental. After this came a
long period of resistance to the KMT, and apart from
the basis in his values of democratic freedom, he
could hardly help having an alternative "racial
feeling."


李萬居的思想資源之中確有不少中國材料,
但是誠如他的次子李南雄(芝加哥大學政治
學博士)所言,這是「文化中國」的層次,
他比較確定的是乃父的中國視野,而不是中
國情懷。如果要為李萬居信仰的價值排一順
位,無疑地自由民主人權是在民族主義的前
面,這從他在重慶時期《台灣民聲報》的言
論可見一斑,而戰後二十年不論是共產黨中
國或是「國民黨中國」(在台灣)都是專制
獨裁統治,顯然都得不到李萬居的認同。


Among the resources on Lee Wan-chu's thought, there is
plenty of material on China, but as his second son, Lee
Nan-hsiung (who holds a Ph.D. in political science from
the University of Chicago), says, this is on the level
of "cultural China," and he is fairly certain that this
is his father's vision of China rather than his
sentimental feelings for it. If we want to put Lee
Wan-chu's belief values in order, there is no doubt
that freedom, democracy and human rights come before
nationalism, and this can be seen in his opinions in
the "Taiwan Min Sheng Pao" from his period in Chungking.
During the twenty years after the war, both Communist
China and "KMT China" (on Taiwan) were autocratic
dictatorial systems, and it is quite clear that Lee
Wan-chu identified with neither of them.

過去代表性的兩本李萬居傳記,即鍾楊瑞先
的《珠沉滄海》和廈門大學教授楊錦麟的《
李萬居評傳》,雖然各有所長,但涉及李氏
的民族思想部分,都太誇大其中國意識、中
國認同,忽略歷史階段的不同,以及文化、
政治不同層次的問題,甚至有不合事實的所
謂「五點遺囑」之說,(鍾楊瑞先版的第五
點謂:我沒有親眼見光復大陸,覺得抱憾終
生)之說,幸經李南雄先生在2001年接受筆
者訪談的口述紀錄中予以更正。今逢李萬居
先生的百歲冥誕紀念,應該是重新定位其政
治思想的適當時刻。

Although both biographies of Lee Wan-chu, the "Deep
Blue Sea" by Chung Yang Jui-hsien, and the "Critical
Biography of Lee Wan-chu" by Professor Yang Chin-lin
of Xiamen University, have their merits, the sections
on Lee's thoughts on ethnicity overstate his feelings
for and identification with China, and neglect the
different periods he went through in his life, and the
issues of different levels of culture and politics,
even to the extent of conflicting with the facts of
his so-called "five-point will" (Chung Yang Jui-hsien's
version of the five points reads: "I have not lived to
see the restoration of the mainland, which I will regret
all my life."). In an oral interview which I recorded
with Mr. Lee Nan-hsiung this year, he corrected this.
On this centenary of Lee Wan-chu's birth, we should
reevaluate the timeliness of his political thought.

Edited by Tina Lee/ translated by Elizabeth Hoile
李美儀編輯/何麗薩翻譯
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